Archive | July, 2011

The European Union: Mideast peace broker? Definitely not.

21 Jul

Mark Landler of the New York Times’s Washington, D.C., bureau wrote an article (published today) titled, “As U.S. Steps Back, Europe Takes Bigger Role in Mideast Peace Push.” In it, he argues that “with talks at a standstill, the Obama administration now finds itself on the sidelines, and Europe is emerging as the key diplomatic actor.” Landler notes that neither Netanyahu nor Abbas have visited our nation’s capital since the spring, and explains that Europe’s “rising role” is the result of ” the peculiar dynamics of the Palestinian campaign at the United Nations. With more than 100 countries, most in the developing world, expected to support Palestinian recognition — and the United States almost certain to oppose it — Britain, France and Germany are viewed as influential swing votes.” The U.S., however, is “fatigued,” and as Martin Indyk is quoting as saying, “‘The action in the United Nations is a bigger problem for them than for us…It has the potential of splitting the E.U., with some siding with us and Israel and some siding with the Palestinians.’”

The problem with Landler’s analysis is that he has a few analysts saying that the E.U. matters, and that it’s this summer’s “prize,” but he presents no convincing evidence to back it up and even insists that a rift within the E.U. would be extremely problematic given its economic crisis. I understand that the E.U. has no problem splitting when it comes to political issues; take, for example, the cleavage caused by the question of whether or not to send troops to Iraq. With the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, however, there is much more at stake. When and if there is an end or a solution to the conflict, it will change the Middle East because it will end the status quo. At present, there are also other distractions: France is deeply involved in Libya, Germany is trying to save the eurozone and Britain is dealing with its worst scandal in years.

Landler says that everyone is waiting for Europe to lay its cards on the table, but this an intangible fantasy. The members of the E.U., or rather its influential players, are not going to all of a sudden reveal where they stand on the Israel-Palestine issue. Even if they do, their answers will be unsatisfying, merely a throwback to the Oslo process, which it seems no one can go beyond. Catherine Ashton, the Union’s high representative for foreign affairs and security policy, does not seem to be particularly well-versed in the Israeli-Palestinian issue. The only bloc that has actually been firm about its approach to the United Nations vote on a Palestinian state in September is a group of states in South America that are vehemently pro-Palestinian.

The European Union will never be the solution to to the Israeli-Palestinian stalemate unless it creates a cohesive policy that strikes the right balance, which of course in and of itself has proved elusive. It seems that Israel is perfectly happy with the status quo, but the EU will not be a catalyst. The catalyst has to be either a mutually hurting stalemate or a mutually enticing opportunity.

 

 

Israeli “boycott law” passes

11 Jul

And this is why Israel needs a legit body of laws instead of just the Basic Laws and an uncodified constitution:

According to the law, a person or an organization calling for a boycott of Israel, including the settlements, can be sued by the boycott’s targets without having to prove that they sustained damage. The court will then decide how much compensation would be paid. The second part of the law says a person or a company that declare a boycott of Israel or the settlements will not be able to bid in government tenders.

It was proposed that the vote on this law would not take place until after the Quartet meeting, which also happens today, but Netanyahu didn’t think it would make any difference.  Israel’s administrative legal experts took contradictory positions on the law:

Before the vote, the Knesset’s legal adviser, attorney Eyal Yanon, published a legal assessment saying parts of the law edge towards “illegality and perhaps beyond.” He went on to warn that the law “damages the core of freedom of expression in Israel.” Yanon’s assessment contradicts that of Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein, who said the bill is legal.

Besides that, I don’t know what else to say, except for that I don’t know how a majority of 47 Members of Knesset allowed this to happen.

The Neverending Thesis, Part 137 (that’s just a guesstimate)

6 Jul

I rarely agree with Stephen Walt, but we do share the opinion that the Oslo Process is dead (thesis link).  Like, really dead.  He commented on Ha’aretz journalist Akiva Eldar’s op-ed “The Oslo Accords are all but dead“:

As Eldar makes clear, Ross has been advising presidents ever since the first Bush administration and played a central role in both the Clinton and Obama administration, and his stewardship of the “peace process” has led exactly nowhere.

In what other line of work could someone fail consistently for two decades and still have a job? If you were a baseball manager and your team didn’t make the playoffs for two decades running, you’d have been canned long ago. If you were a CEO and you lost money for twenty straight years, the Board of Directors or the shareholders would have hired a replacement long ago. If you were a dean or a university president and faculty quality, student achievement and the size of the endowment kept declining on your watch, it’s a safe bet you’d be told that your services were no longer required.

But when it comes to U.S. Middle East policy, there is hardly any accountability. And the tragic irony is that advisors like Ross — who make no secret of their deep attachment to Israel — have in fact done an excellent job of scuttling prospects for a two-state solution that is Israel’s best hope of long-term security and international acceptances.

Aside from the “deep attachment to Israel” rhetoric, which I did not focus on AT ALL in my thesis (I have a love-hate relationship with The Israel Lobby), Walt has an excellent point.  Why is Dennis Ross still America’s number-one, go-to Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolution guru?  I imagine that there are lots of people asking this question.

Eldar cuts right to the chase: Dennis Ross is cutting Israeli-Palestinian peace off at the knees by trying to convince the Palestinians to give up on a UN vote in favor of statehood.  I never believed that a vote would work anyway but, as so many readily forget, it all goes back to before the Oslo Accords:

In October 1991 he came with U.S. President George H.W. Bush to the Madrid Conference, which squandered the fruits of the Gulf War victory. In September 1993 he celebrated, with U.S. President Bill Clinton, the birth of the battered Oslo Accords. In early 1997 he managed to get Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to sign the Hebron Accord, which left tens of thousands of Palestinians to the mercy of the students of Rabbi Dov Lior of Kiryat Arba. In late 1998 he was among those who gave birth to the Wye River Memorandum, which died in infancy. In 2000 he was a senior partner to the reverberating failure of American diplomacy in Israeli-Syrian and Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. And here he is again, this time as U.S. President Barack Obama’s special envoy responsible for prolonging the death throes of the terminally ill patient known as the peace process.

Obama making good on his Nobel Prize remains a pipe dream.  It’s not going to be a focus of his 2012 campaign, and Mideast peace is certainly not as important domestically as the budget deficit or live-tweeting.  There are people out there who are better than Ross, but as Eldar reminds us, the two-state solution is all but dead.  It’s time to get rid of the old guard, both in the U.S. and in Israel.  Then, there might be a chance for renewed negotiations.

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